2022年考博英语-华东政法大学考试名师点拨押题密卷89（含答案详解）

2022年考博英语-华东政法大学考试名师点拨押题密卷（含答案详解）1. 单选题No one is so _ as the person who has no wish to learn.问题1选项A.sensibleB.ignorantC.uselessD.simple【答案】B【解析】考查形容词辨析。A选项sensible“明智的；通情达理的；合乎情理的；意识到的；能感觉到的”；B选项ignorant“无知的；愚昧的”；C选项useless“无用的；无效的”；D选项simple“简单的；单纯的；天真的”。句意：没有人比不愿学习的人更_。本句表达“比不愿意学习的人更无知”，因此B选项正确。2. 单选题. Human rights are often presented as the outcome of a long and noble maturation process of intellectual ideas such as freedom, equality or human dignity basically as the ultimate crystallization of Enlightenment ideas. The contemporary importance of human rights is then viewed as the final result of the forward march of history, reason or civilization, advancing the inherent rights and dignity of every person. In this vein, a large body of literature has focused on the precursors of human rights, claiming that the idea of universal human dignity and individual rights ultimately derives from, for instance, Catholic Christianity, Protestantism or the French enlightenment. These are the kind of narratives and histories that have been deeply criticized by Nietzsche (尼采) (or later Foucault (福柯) because they misconstrue the past as a teleology leading to, and justifying, the current state of affairs. Instead Nietzsche proposed a genealogical methodology, which gives credit to the contingent, unpredictable, hidden and often dark currents of history. From this perspective, the job of the historian, sociologist or philosopher is not to reconstruct the linear path from which human rights have victoriously emerged but to investigate the haphazard make-up of human rights, looking into the contingent conditions and unforeseen circumstances out of which values grow.In The Sacredness of the Person Hans Joas (汉斯约阿斯) seeks to connect Nietzsches awareness of historical contingency with respect to the genesis of values with the more sociological question of why human rights and universal human dignity serve now as a new global culture and morality. Basically, how can we best describe and explain the deep moral commitment and almost universal appeal of human rights, functioning today as a de facto global civil religion with its own transnational symbols such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights or shared rituals such as UNs Universal Periodic Review? However, in contrast to a Nietzsche an reading, Joas does not as such want to criticize or deconstruct the idea of universal human rights. He, thus, devises both a research object and approach that is not critical by conventional sociological measure but more geared towards an interpretive approach. More precisely, while acknowledging that human rights are a genuine historical innovation, he also wants to preserve and explain the now self-evident moral character that human rights have for those who feel bound by them.1.From the first paragraph, one can know that Nietzsche or Foucault _.2.Nietzsche or later Foucault criticized the large number of literature because _.3.According to the second paragraph, Hans Joas tries to _.4.The difference between Nietzsche and Joas is that _.问题1选项A.is a scholar who uses teleological method towards human rightsB.disagrees with the teleological method of researchC.claims that the idea of universal human dignity and individual rights ultimately derives from Catholic Christianity, Protestantism or the French enlightenmentD.thinks that human rights is the final result of the forward march of history, reason or civilization问题2选项A.they used a genealogical methodologyB.the idea of universal human dignity and individual rights ultimately does not derive from Catholic Christianity, Protestantism or the French enlightenmentC.do not give credit to the contingent, unpredictable, hidden and often dark currents of historyD.they misconstrue the past as a teleology leading to the current state of affairs问题3选项A.connect Nietzsches awareness of historical contingency the more sociological questionB.explain the deep moral commitment and almost universal appeal of human rightsC.describe the functioning of human rights as a de facto global civil religionD.describe the Universal Declaration of Human Rights as the transnational symbol of human rights问题4选项A.the latter wants to criticize or deconstruct the idea of universal human rightsB.the former devises both a research object and approach that is not critical by conventional sociological measureC.the latter also wants to explain the now self-evident moral character of human rightsD.the former acknowledges that human rights are a genuine historical innovation【答案】第1题:B第2题:D第3题:A第4题:C【解析】1.推理判断题。根据题干关键词“ Nietzsche or Foucault”定位到原文第一段In this vein, a large body of literature has focused on the precursors of human rights, claiming that the idea of universal human dignity and individual rights ultimately derives from, for instance, Catholic Christianity, Protestantism or the French enlightenment. These are the kind of narratives and histories that have been deeply criticized by Nietzsche (or later Foucault) because they misconstrue the past as a teleology leading to, and justifying, the current state of affairs.（在这一脉络下，大量的文献聚焦于人权的先驱者，声称普遍的人类尊严和个人权利的理念最终源于诸如天主教、新教或法国启蒙运动等。这些叙述和历史被尼采（或后来的福柯）深刻批评，因为它们将过去误读为一种导致并证明事件现状的目的论）可知尼采或福柯批评目的论，选B选项“不同意目的论的研究方法”，A选项“是一位用目的论方法研究人权的学者”以及C选项“认为人类普遍尊严和个人权利的理念最终源于天主教、新教或法国启蒙运动”在文中属于人权的先驱者，不是尼采或福柯的观点，偷换概念，排除；D选项“认为人权是历史、理性或文明前进的最终结果”未在第一段提及。因此B选项正确。2.事实细节题。根据题干关键词“ Nietzsche or Foucault”定位到原文第一段In this vein, a large body of literature has focused on the precursors of human rights, claiming that the idea of universal human dignity and individual rights ultimately derives from, for instance, Catholic Christianity, Protestantism or the French enlightenment. These are the kind of narratives and histories that have been deeply criticized by Nietzsche (or later Foucault) because they misconstrue the past as a teleology leading to, and justifying, the current state of affairs.（在这一脉络下，大量的文献聚焦于人权的先驱者，声称普遍的人类尊严和个人权利的理念最终源于诸如天主教、新教或法国启蒙运动等。这些叙述和历史被尼采（或后来的福柯）深刻批评，因为它们将过去误读为一种导致并证明事件现状的目的论）可知选D选项“它们把过去误解为一种导致当前事态的目的论”以及B选项“普遍的人类尊严和个人权利的想法最终不是来自天主教、基督教，新教或法国启蒙运动”并不是尼采或福柯后来批评大量的文学的原因；第一段Instead Nietzsche proposed a genealogical methodology, which gives credit to the contingent, unpredictable, hidden and often dark currents of history.（相反，尼采提出了一个谱系方法论，它把归信于偶然的，不可预测的，隐藏的，经常是黑暗的历史潮流）可知A选项“他们使用了一种谱系方法论”和C选项“不相信偶然的，不可预测的，隐藏的，经常是黑暗的历史潮流”是尼采所赞同的，排除。因此D选项正确。3.事实细节题。根据题干关键词“Hans Joas”定位到原文第二段第一句In The Sacredness of the Person Hans Joas seeks to connect Nietzsches awareness of historical contingency with respect to the genesis of values with the more sociological question of why human rights and universal human dignity serve now as a new global culture and morality.（在人的神圣性一书中，汉斯约阿斯试图将尼采关于价值起源的历史偶然性意识与更多的社会学问题联系起来，即为什么人权和普遍的人类尊严现在成为一种新的全球文化和道德）可知选A选项“将尼采的历史偶然性意识与更多的社会学问题联系起来”以及B选项“解释人权的深刻的道德承诺和几乎普遍的呼吁”错误；C选项“将人权的运作描述为事实上的全球公民宗教”和D选项“将世界人权宣言描述为人权的跨国象征”不符合原文。因此A选项正确。4.事实细节题。根据题干关键词“Nietzsche and Joas”定位到原文第二段More precisely, while acknowledging that human rights are a genuine historical innovation, he also wants to preserve and explain the now self-evident moral character that human rights have for those who feel bound by them.（更确切地说，在承认人权是一种真正的历史创新的同时，他还希望保护并解释人权对那些感到受其约束的人所具有的如今不言而喻的道德品质）可知选C选项“后者还想解释现在不言而喻的人权的道德特征”以及D选项“前者承认人权是一种真正的历史创新”错误，尼采和乔斯都承认人权是一种真正的历史创新；第二段However, in contrast to a Nietzsche an reading, Joas does not as such want to criticize or deconstruct the idea of universal human rights. He, thus, devises both a research object and approach that is not critical by conventional sociological measure but more geared towards an interpretive approach.（然而，与尼采的解读相反，乔斯并不想批评或解构普遍人权的理念。因此，他设计了一种研究对象和方法，这种方法不是由传统的社会学度量来评判的，而是更倾向于解释性的方法）可知乔斯并不想批评或解构普遍人权的理念，而尼采会批评或解构普遍人权的理念，A选项“后者是对普遍人权思想的批判或解构”，B选项“前者设计了一个研究对象和方法，这不是批判性的传统社会学措施”和原文相悖。因此C选项正确。3. 单选题The neighbors do not consider him quite _ as most evenings he awakens them with his drunken singing.问题1选项A.respectfulB.respectedC.respectableD.suitable【答案】C【解析】考查近义词辨析。A选项respectful“恭敬的；有礼貌的（表示对的尊重）”；B选项respected“受尊敬的（受到的尊敬，语气程度最深）”；C选项respectable“值得尊敬的；人格高尚的；相当数量的（被社会接受的，好的或正确的）”；D选项suitable“适当的；相配的”。句意：邻居们认为他不太_，因为大多数晚上他都会用醉醺醺的歌声把他们吵醒。本句表达“邻居认为他不太值得尊敬”，不太被邻居接受，因此C选项正确。4. 单选题When it comes _ his wife with the housework, John never grumbles.问题1选项A.to helpB.and helpsC.to helpingD.to have helped【答案】C【解析】考查固定搭配。when it comes to sth./doing sth.“当提到；就而论”。句意：当谈到帮助妻子做家务时，约翰从不抱怨。因此C选项正确。5. 单选题X. Political ScienceWhat difference does it make if more, or fewer, people vote? What difference would it make if the state makes people vote? These questions are central both to normative debates about the rights and duties of citizens in a democracy and to contemporary policy debates in a variety of countries over what actions states should take to encourage electoral participation. To address them, this paper focuses on the phenomenon of compulsory voting legal requirements that compel citizens to participate. Specifically, by focusing on a rare case of abolishing compulsory voting in Venezuela, we examine whether compulsory voting reduces income inequality.Our results support a well-known proposition advanced by Arend Lijphart in his 1996 presidential address to the American Political Science Association. For Lijphart, class bias “the inequality of representation and influence.not randomly distributed but systematically biased in favor of more privileged citizens.and against less advantaged citizens” is the central “unresolved dilemma” of democracy. The normative foundation of this argument is that, in a democracy, the preferences of every citizen should have equal weight in electing representatives and determining policy. Lijphart contends that “low voter turnout means unequal and socioeconomically biased turnout.and unequal participation spells unequal influence”, and that compulsory voting is “the strongest of all the institutional factors” in its potential to remedy the pernicious effects of class bias in turnout.Despite its normative importance and practical relevance in policy debates, rigorous empirical scrutiny of Lijpharfs claim has been limited. Numerous scholars have investigated the impact of voter turnout on various outcome variables. Most of these studies, however, face methodological shortcomings because they are based on relatively simple cross-sectional regression without a convincing identification strategy for causal inference, or because they rely on instrumental variables based on exogenous “shocks” to turnout (e.g. weather events) that are not relevant to how the level of voter turnout influenced by whether voting is compulsory or mandatory affects electoral and policy outcomes.Two recent studies address these methodological concerns. Fowler (2013) estimates the causal effects of the introduction of compulsory voting in Australia on election outcomes and pension spending. Similarly, Bechtel, Hangartner, and Schmid (2013) examine the effects of the introduction of compulsory voting in the Swiss canton of Vaud on the results of federal referendums. Both studies use an important change in the voting rule as leverage for causal inference, effectively examining the counterfactual question: What would have happened if the compulsory voting rule had not been introduced?1.From the first paragraph, we know that this paper is to discuss _.2.Mr. Arend Lijphart holds the following view but _.3.The weak point of the studies about the impact of voter turnout on various outcome variables is that _.4.Which statement about the studies of Fowler and Bechtel, Hangartner, and Schmid is NOT true?问题1选项A.normative debates about the rights and duties of citizensB.policy debates in a variety of countriesC.whether compulsory voting reduces income inequalityD.the phenomenon of compulsory voting问题2选项A.In a democracy, the preferences of every citizen have equal weight in votingB.Class bias is the central “unresolved dilemma” of democracyC.Low voter turnout means unequal and socioeconomically biased turnoutD.Compulsory voting has its potential to remedy the pernicious effects of class bias in turnout问题3选项A.they are relatively simpleB.they rely on instrumental variablesC.they do not distinguish whether voting is compulsory or mandatoryD.there is no convincing identification strategy for causal inference问题4选项A.They are both published in 2013.B.They both examined the influence of compulsory voting on election outcomes.C.They address the methodological concerns.D.They both examine the question: What would have happened if the compulsory voting rule had not been introduced?【答案】第1题:C第2题:A第3题:B第4题:D【解析】1.事实细节题。根据题干定位到第一段To address them, this paper focuses on the phenomenon of compulsory voting legal requirements that compel citizens to participate. Specifically, by focusing on a rare case of abolishing compulsory voting in Venezuela, we examine whether compulsory voting reduces income inequality.（为了解决这一问题，本文着重研究强制投票现象强制公民参与的法律要求。具体来说，通过关注委内瑞拉废除强制投票的罕见案例，我们研究强制投票是否减少了收入不平等）可知选C选项“强制投票是否减少了收入不平等”，原文所说的是强制公民参与的法律要求而不是D选项“强制投票现象”；第一段These questions are central both to normative debates about the rights and duties of citizens in a democracy and to contemporary policy debates in a variety of countries over what actions states should take to encourage electoral participation（这些问题是关于民主国家中公民权利和义务的规范辩论的中心，也是各种国家中关于国家应该采取何种行动来鼓励选举参与的当代政策辩论的中心）是为了引出下文，并不是文章讨论的主要内容，A选项“关于公民权利和义务的规范性辩论”错误；B选项“不同国家的政策辩论”不符合原文。因此C选项正确。2.事实细节题。根据题干关键字“Mr. Arend Lijphart”定位到第二段For Lijphart, class bias “the inequality of representation and influence. not randomly distributed but systematically biased in favor of more privileged citizens. and against less advantaged citizens” is the central “unresolved dilemma” of democracy.（利吉哈特认为，阶级偏见“代表和影响的不平等不是随机分布的，而是系统地偏向于更有特权的公民反对弱势公民”是民主的核心“未解决的困境”）可知A选项“在民主国家，每个公民的偏好在投票中都有同等的权重”错误，根据原文The normative foundation of this argument is that, in a democracy, the preferences of every citizen should have equal weight in electing representatives and determining policy.（这一论点的规范基础是，在民主制度中，每个公民的偏好在选举代表和决定政策方面应该有同等的权重）可知A选项是利吉哈特观点的基础，但并不是利吉哈特观点，B选项“阶级偏见是民主的中心未解决的困境”和原文一致； Lijphart contends that “low voter turnout means unequal and socioeconomically biased turnout. and unequal participation spells unequal influence”, and that compulsory voting is “the strongest of all the institutional factors” in its potential to remedy the pernicious effects of class bias in turnout.（利吉哈特认为，“低投票率意味着不平等和社会经济偏见的投票率不平等的参与意味着不平等的影响”，强制投票是“所有制度因素中最强大的因素”，它有可能弥补投票中阶级偏见的有害影响）可知C选项“低投票率意味着不平等和社会经济偏见的投票率”，D选项“强制投票有它的潜力来补救在投票率中的阶级偏见的有害影响”和原文一致。因此A选项符合题意。3.事实细节题。根据题干关键字定位到第三段or because they rely on instrumental variables based on exogenous “shocks” to turnout (e.g. weather events) that are not relevant to how the level of voter turnout influenced by whether voting is compulsory or mandatory affects electoral and policy outcomes.（或者是因为它们依赖于基于投票率的外生冲击（例如天气事件）的工具变量，而这些工具变量与投票是否为强制性或强制性所影响的投票率水平如何影响选举和政策结果无关）可知选B选项“他们依赖于工具变量”，以及C选项“他们不区分投票是强制性的还是强制性的”错误；第三段Most of these studies, however, face methodological shortcomings because they are based on relatively simple cross-sectional regression without a convincing identification strategy for causal inference（然而，大多数这些研究都面临着方法论上的缺陷，因为它们是基于相对简单的横断面回归，没有一个令人信服的因果推理识别策略）可知A选项“它们相对简单”错误，不是对各种结果变量影响的研究简单而是研究基于相对简单的横断面回归，D选项“因果推理没有令人信服的识别策略”错误，和原文不符合。因此B选项正确。4.事实细节题。根据题干“Fowler and Bechtel, Hangartner, and Schmid”定位到最后一段最后一句Both studies use an important change in the voting rule as leverage for causal inference, effectively examining the counterfactual question: What would have happened if the compulsory voting rule had not been introduced? （这两项研究都使用了投票规则中的一个重要变化作为因果推理的杠杆，有效地检验了一个反事实的问题：如果没有引入强制投票规则，会发生什么?）可知D选项“他们都研究了这个问题：如果没有引入强制投票规则，会发生什么?”和原文不符；最后一段Fowler (2013) estimates the causal effects of the introduction of compulsory voting in Australia on election outcomes and pension spending. Similarly, Bechtel, Hangartner, and Schmid (2013) examine the effects of the introduction of compulsory voting in the Swiss canton of Vaud on the results of federal referendums.（Fowler（2013）估计了澳大利亚引入强制投票对选举结果和养老金支出的因果影响。类似地，Bechtel, Hangartner和Schmid（2013）研究了瑞士沃州引入强制投票对联邦公投结果的影响）可知A选项“它们都是在2013年出版的”，B选项“他们都考察了强制投票对选举结果的影响”和原文相符；最后一段第一句Two recent studies address these methodological concerns.（最近的两项研究解决了这些方法论上的问题）可知C选项“它们解决了方法论上的问题”和原文相符。因此D选项符合题意。6. 单选题Between the eighth and eleventh centuries A.D.，the Byzantine Empire (拜占庭帝国) staged an almost unparalleled economic and cultural revival, a recovery that is all the more striking because it followed a long period of severe internal decline. By the early eighth century, the empire had lost roughly two-thirds of the territory it had possessed in the year 600, and its remaining area was being raided by Arabs and Bulgarians, who at times threatened to take Constantinople and extinguished the empire altogether. The wealth of the state and its subjects was greatly diminished, and artistic and literary production had virtually ceased. By the early eleventh century, however, the empire had regained almost half of its lost possessions, its new frontiers were secure, and its influence extended far beyond its borders. The economy had recovered, the treasury was full, and art and scholarship had advanced.To consider the Byzantine military, cultural, and economic advances as differentiated aspects of a single phenomenon is reasonable. After all, these three forms of progress have gone together in a number of states and civilizations. Rome under Augustus and fifth-century Athens provide the most obvious examples in antiquity. Moreover, an examination of the apparent sequential connections among military, economic, and cultural forms of progress might help explain the dynamics of historical change.The common explanation of these apparent connections in the case of Byzantium would run like this: when the empire had turned back enemy raids on its own territory and had begun to raid and conquer enemy territory, Byzantine resources naturally expanded and more money became available to patronize art and literature. Therefore, Byzantine military achievements led to economic advances, which in turn led to cultural revival.No doubt this hypothetical pattern did apply at times during the course of the recovery. Yet it is not clear that military advances invariably came first. Economic advances second, and intellectual advances third. In the 860s the Byzantine Empire began to recover from Arab incursions so that by 872 the military balance with the Abbasid Caliphate had been permanently altered in the empires favor. The beginning of the empires economic revival, however, can be placed between 810 and 830. Finally, the Byzantine revival of learning appears to have begun even earlier. A number of notable scholars and writers appeared by 788 and, by the last decade of the eighth century, a cultural revival was in full bloom, a revival that lasted until the fall of Constantinople in 1453. Thus, the commonly expected order of military revival followed by economic and then by cultural recovery was reversed in Byzantium. In fact, the revival of Byzantine learning may itself have influenced the subsequent economic and military expansion.41. Which of the following best states the central idea of the text?42. It can be inferred from the text that the Byzantine Empire sustained significant territorial losses _.43. In the third paragraph, the author most probably provides an explanation of the apparent connections among economic, military, and cultural development in order to _.44. Which of th